The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was seen as one of the most influential occupants of that position in US history. Although many second-in-commands were confined to minor or symbolic roles, Cheney wielded enormous power during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was often referred to as the "actual president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and stated the connection was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was courteous, invariably calling him in public as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their relationship as a partnership because it indicated that they were equals. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the laidback president malleable on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a group of conservative hawks that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a session at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the destruction of any unresponsive airplanes nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the strikes altered his perspective, leading him to become intent on retribution. Along with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Policies
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, nor about the enhanced interrogation of individuals captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was founded on misleading reports circulated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It proved to be the proper decision to do then. I believed it then and I maintain that stance presently."
Yet during that period, there were opposing views at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I observed, as a baseline," he wrote later "true dereliction, inaction, and unaccountability: in the worst case, lying, ineptitude, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had composed a memo outlining scenarios in which US concerns might be threatened (encompassing "obtaining essential resources, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be positioned to operate alone when collective action cannot be arranged," particularly mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the Oval Office generally inclined on implementing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been sacked by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of diminishing America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a conspiracy to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a portrait of his predecessor's countenance that each person had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement behind striking Iraq, consistently quoting intelligence reports that were whether insubstantial or completely deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush administration indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the employment of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had come from the torture, Cheney disregarded the findings as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and create procedures to catch the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed monikers assigned to him by opponents such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In the author's 2013 volume about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the evil genius in the corner that remains unseen leave his lair? It's a advantageous way to function, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Debate over his commercial relationships followed him throughout his time as second-in-command. While he had minimal expertise in business but established relationships in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest energy conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the White House. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US contracts valued at billions.
It made him rich. His annual income during his tenure at the firm rose from his quarter-million dollars when he was defence secretary to over four million. When he left in 2000 he had a package totaling more than $20m|twenty
